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      Glory, Death, And Transfiguration: 
The Susquehannock Indians In The Seventeenth Century
       

 

   

Susquehannock Revenge

 
   
   

Chief Piercing Eyes
Introduction
Prehistory
Neighboring Peoples
Lenape Tributaries
Map 1
Susquehannock Ascendancy
Map 2
Map 3
Dutch Power
English-Dutch-Conflict
Iroquois Defeads
English Conquest
Temporary Peace
The Whorekill Raids
Maryland's New Indian Policy
Susquehannock Removal Into Maryland
Attack On The Susquehannock Fort
Andros' Indian Policies
Andros' Protection
Andros' Ultimatums
Explanation Of The Intrigues
The Treaty Of Shackamaxon
The Treaty Of Albany
Results of The Albany Treaty
Forging Of The Covenant Chain
Susquehannock Revenge
Beginnings Of Pennsylvania
Significance Of Penn's Indians Deeds
Map 4
Jacob Young's Predicament
Origin Of The Iroquois Conquest Myth
Re: Emergence Of Susquehannock Polity
Appendix: Lenape Ownership Of Delaware
   
   
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What of the Susquehannock's in all this? Their disappearance soon gave Maryland cause to grieve. In 1679 an Indian informant told Lord Baltimore that "the Susquehannock's laugh and jeare at the English saying they cann doe what mischief they please for that the English cannot see them."118   Safely out of reach in their Iroquois sanctuary, the Susquehannock's planned vengeance on the Indians who had helped Maryland and who had blocked the peace negotiations in 1676: the Piscatawas and Mattawomans.119   Iroquois leaders saw advantage in the feud. They ignored their obligations under Coursey's treaty and joined Susquehannock raiding parties on the back country of Maryland and Virginia. As with the beaver wars of previous decades, vengeance and feuding made complications, but a rational policy can be discerned in the superficially confused conflicts. The Iroquois helped the Susquehannock's because the Iroquois could thereby force Maryland's Indians into subjugation. The Iroquois had never conquered the Susquehannock's or the Lenape, but they set out in dead earnest to conquer the Piscatawas and Mattawomans. In the long run, with enthusiastic Susquehannock participation, they succeeded.120

Though their heaviest blows fell upon Maryland's Indians, the province's white back settlers inevitably were also hurt. In bewilderment, Protestant backwoodsmen thought they saw a papist plot behind their suffering. Did not the attacking Indians come from the direction of Catholic Canada? And were not Lord Baltimore and the governing gentry of Maryland of the Catholic persuasion? Q.E.D.: Baltimore had called in French Indians to destroy his always considerable Protestant opposition. That opposition fed on such fears until it grew beyond the power of even Baltimore's busy hangmen to control.121

Maryland's gentry, of course, refused to see just retribution in the Indian raids for their rash and treacherous conduct, though they privately admitted that they had betrayed the Susquehannocks.122 They demanded that New York enforce Coursey's treaty by denying trade goods to the Iroquois. The New Yorkers replied that they could not see any good reason for such a drastic step. Baltimore tried to make direct contact with the Iroquois through Jacob Young, whereupon Andros summoned Young to New York for presuming "to Treat with the Indyans within this Government without any Authority, to the Disturbance thereof." Baltimore had no recourse but finally to send his agents to Albany again, and once again they achieved exactly as much as the Albany magistrates would permit. Coursey's treaty in 1677 had ended with illusions, but his new treaty of 1682 left small doubt of where power over Indian affairs would center thereafter. The Iroquois acknowledged their dependence on Albany, but they treated with Maryland as equals, and they did not knuckle under to Maryland's demands. In fact, they converted the peace into a conquest by proclaiming the enlargement of the covenant chain to include Maryland's Indians. This, of course, had been precisely the object of the raids .123

Forging Of The Covenant Chain

Beginnings Of Pennsylvania

   
  Notes:
118

Conference minutes, 19 March, 1679, Md. Arch. (Council) 15: p. 239.

   
119

Randolph Brandt to Lord Baltimore, 16 May, 1680, and 29 May, 1680, Md. Arch. (Council) 15: pp. 283—284, 299—300.

   
120

Col. Ludwell to Privy Council, recvd. 22 July, 1681, Calendar of State Papers, Col., Am. and W. Indies, vol. 1681—1685, Doc. 184, p. 92; Lord Culpeper to Privy Council, 26 July, 1681, ibid., Doc. 185; Journal of Henry Coursey and Wm. Stevens, 27 Aug., 1681, Md. Arch. (Council) 17: p. 14; minutes, 19 Feb., 1681, ibid. 15: p. 329; Col. Wells to Lord Baltimore, 29 May, 1681, ibid. 15: pp. 358—359; Onondaga speech, 4 Aug., 1682: "Wee do take the Piscataway Indians, and all your ifreind Indians fast in our Covenant." N. Y. Col. Does. 3: p. 327.

   
121

For an example of wild rumor, see a deposition of 15 June, 1681, Md. Arch. (Council) 15: p. 420. "Mr. Nicholas Bodkin ... saith that he was present when the said Mordecai said that he heard that the boy reported that the Indian said that the English called Romans and the Sinniquos were to join and kill the Protestants." See also the "Complaint from Heaven with a Hue and crye," 1676, addressed to the Lord Mayor of London and duly passed on to the Lords of Trade. Md. Arch. (PRO) 5: pp. 134—152.

   
122

Baltimore's Instructions to Henry Coursey and Philemon Lloyd, 15 May, 1682, Md. Arch. (Council) 17: p. 98.

   
123

Md. Council to Capt. Brockholls, 4 March, 1681, and Brockholls' reply, 29 March, 1681, Md. Arch. (Council) 17: pp. 85—86, 89—90; Andros to Cantwell, 12 June, 1680, Pennsylvania Archives (138 v., Philadelphia and Harrisburg, 1852—1949) 2d ser. 5: pp. 719—720; Baltimore's instructions, 15 May, 1682, Md. Arch. (Council) 17: p. 102; minutes, 1 and 13 July, 1682, Minutes of the Court of Albany, Rensselaerswyck and Schenectady 3: pp. 265266, 272; correspondence and minutes, Md. Arch. (Council) 17: pp. 197—216; treaty minutes, 3—13 Aug., 1682, N. V. Col. Docs. 3: pp. 321—328. The Iroquois speeches must be read with care; the Indians ignored rather than rejected Maryland's most extreme demands. When they accepted demands they used face—saving polite formulas of reservation or modification that altered their acceptance from what Maryland wanted to what they wanted themselves.

   

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