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What of the Susquehannock's in all
this? Their disappearance soon gave Maryland cause to grieve. In 1679 an
Indian informant told Lord Baltimore that "the Susquehannock's laugh and
jeare at the English saying they cann doe what mischief they please for
that the English cannot see them."118 Safely out of reach in their
Iroquois sanctuary, the Susquehannock's planned vengeance on the Indians
who had helped Maryland and who had blocked the peace negotiations in
1676: the Piscatawas and Mattawomans.119 Iroquois leaders saw advantage
in the feud. They ignored their obligations under Coursey's treaty and
joined Susquehannock raiding parties on the back country of Maryland and
Virginia. As with the beaver wars of previous decades, vengeance and
feuding made complications, but a rational policy can be discerned in
the superficially confused conflicts. The Iroquois helped the
Susquehannock's because the Iroquois could thereby force Maryland's
Indians into subjugation. The Iroquois had never conquered the
Susquehannock's or the Lenape, but they set out in dead earnest to
conquer the Piscatawas and Mattawomans. In the long run, with
enthusiastic Susquehannock participation, they succeeded.120
Though their heaviest blows fell upon Maryland's Indians, the province's
white back settlers inevitably were also hurt. In bewilderment,
Protestant backwoodsmen thought they saw a papist plot behind their
suffering. Did not the attacking Indians come from the direction of
Catholic Canada? And were not Lord Baltimore and the governing gentry of
Maryland of the Catholic persuasion? Q.E.D.: Baltimore had called in
French Indians to destroy his always considerable Protestant opposition.
That opposition fed on such fears until it grew beyond the power of even
Baltimore's busy hangmen to control.121
Maryland's gentry, of course, refused to see just retribution in the
Indian raids for their rash and treacherous conduct, though they
privately admitted that they had betrayed the Susquehannocks.122 They
demanded that New York enforce Coursey's treaty by denying trade goods
to the Iroquois. The New Yorkers replied that they could not see any
good reason for such a drastic step. Baltimore tried to make direct
contact with the Iroquois through Jacob Young, whereupon Andros summoned
Young to New York for presuming "to Treat with the Indyans within this
Government without any Authority, to the Disturbance thereof." Baltimore
had no recourse but finally to send his agents to Albany again, and once
again they achieved exactly as much as the Albany magistrates would
permit. Coursey's treaty in 1677 had ended with illusions, but his new
treaty of 1682 left small doubt of where power over Indian affairs would
center thereafter. The Iroquois acknowledged their dependence on Albany,
but they treated with Maryland as equals, and they did not knuckle under
to Maryland's demands. In fact, they converted the peace into a conquest
by proclaiming the enlargement of the covenant chain to include
Maryland's Indians. This, of course, had been precisely the object of
the raids .123
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Notes: |
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118 |
Conference
minutes, 19 March, 1679, Md. Arch. (Council) 15: p. 239. |
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119 |
Randolph
Brandt to Lord Baltimore, 16 May, 1680, and 29 May, 1680, Md.
Arch. (Council) 15: pp. 283—284, 299—300. |
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120 |
Col. Ludwell
to Privy Council, recvd. 22 July, 1681, Calendar of State
Papers, Col., Am. and W. Indies, vol. 1681—1685, Doc. 184, p.
92; Lord Culpeper to Privy Council, 26 July, 1681, ibid., Doc.
185; Journal of Henry Coursey and Wm. Stevens, 27 Aug., 1681,
Md. Arch. (Council) 17: p. 14; minutes, 19 Feb., 1681, ibid. 15:
p. 329; Col. Wells to Lord Baltimore, 29 May, 1681, ibid. 15:
pp. 358—359; Onondaga speech, 4 Aug., 1682: "Wee do take the
Piscataway Indians, and all your ifreind Indians fast in our
Covenant." N. Y. Col. Does. 3: p. 327. |
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121 |
For an
example of wild rumor, see a deposition of 15 June, 1681, Md.
Arch. (Council) 15: p. 420. "Mr. Nicholas Bodkin ... saith that
he was present when the said Mordecai said that he heard that
the boy reported that the Indian said that the English called
Romans and the Sinniquos were to join and kill the Protestants."
See also the "Complaint from Heaven with a Hue and crye," 1676,
addressed to the Lord Mayor of London and duly passed on to the
Lords of Trade. Md. Arch. (PRO) 5: pp. 134—152. |
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122 |
Baltimore's
Instructions to Henry Coursey and Philemon Lloyd, 15 May, 1682,
Md. Arch. (Council) 17: p. 98. |
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123 |
Md. Council
to Capt. Brockholls, 4 March, 1681, and Brockholls' reply, 29
March, 1681, Md. Arch. (Council) 17: pp. 85—86, 89—90; Andros to
Cantwell, 12 June, 1680, Pennsylvania Archives (138 v.,
Philadelphia and Harrisburg, 1852—1949) 2d ser. 5: pp. 719—720;
Baltimore's instructions, 15 May, 1682, Md. Arch. (Council) 17:
p. 102; minutes, 1 and 13 July, 1682, Minutes of the Court of
Albany, Rensselaerswyck and Schenectady 3: pp. 265266, 272;
correspondence and minutes, Md. Arch. (Council) 17: pp. 197—216;
treaty minutes, 3—13 Aug., 1682, N. V. Col. Docs. 3: pp.
321—328. The Iroquois speeches must be read with care; the
Indians ignored rather than rejected Maryland's most extreme
demands. When they accepted demands they used face—saving polite
formulas of reservation or modification that altered their
acceptance from what Maryland wanted to what they wanted
themselves. |
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