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Once more, as in 1672, European
quarrels in the New World were temporarily suspended, and once more the
Indians reflected the lull by relaxing their own disputes. As the
Susquehannock's settled in their new home where Piscataway Creek flows
into the Potomac, an Indian mediator started from New York to initiate
peace between the Iroquois and the Susquehannock's; and the Lenape
subsided on the Delaware.79 Again the imminent prospect of peace went
aglimmering. In September, 1675, a militia of backwoodsmen from Maryland
and Virginia laid siege to the new Potomac fort of the Susquehannock's.
Their reasons have been disputed; scholars agree fairly well that a
chain of violent events in Virginia's back country, for which the
Susquehannock's were not responsible, had led the militia to seek
revenge on Indians regardless of the guilt or innocence of particular
persons or groups. Authorities also agree on the main points of what
happened at the fort. The Indian chiefs were twice called out to parley.
On their second appearance, five were seized in violation of their safe
conduct; they were murdered on the orders of Maryland's Captain Truman,
urged or abetted by Virginia's Colonel John Washington.80 The atrocity
has not been condoned in either Virginia or Maryland, but considerable
energy has been expended in each place to prove that primary
responsibility lay in the other. It is only fair to add that Maryland's
Assembly tried and convicted Captain Truman for his part in the affair,
though he seems never to have suffered any actual penalty except a
security bond; Washington was not inconvenienced in any such way.81
The besieged Susquehannock's, despite inferiority in numbers and the
loss of their chiefs, held out for six more weeks. Then, one dark night,
they all walked quietly through the English camp, taking toll of ten
sleepers on the way, after which they launched a fury of revenge on the
isolated cabins of the Virginia backwoods. Governor Berkeley's rule was
overthrown by militant back settlers led by a demagogue named Nathaniel
Bacon. After the fashion of demagogues, Bacon promised to do the
impossible. He took a troop of volunteers on a campaign to exterminate
the Susquehannock's. They did not find the Susquehannock's, but they
relieved their frustrations by massacring nearby allied Indians
unfortunate enough to be resident on attractive real estate. Bacon
solved the awkward legal problems raised by his insurrection by dying of
natural causes in 1676.82 The historical problems had just begun. On the
one side the sordid story of treachery, avarice, and slaughter was
converted through the mystique of the frontier into a heroic saga of
primitive democracy aborning, and Bacon — a criminal aristocrat living
in enforced exile — was apotheosized into a sort of Siegfried of the
settlers. On the other side the Iroquois got the blame for defeating and
dispersing the Susquehannock's.
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Notes: |
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79 |
Conference
minutes, 28 June, 1675; Andros to Baltimore, 15 May, 1675, Third
Annual Report of the State Historian of the State of New York,
1897 (N. Y., 1898), pp. 345—346, 314. Location of
Susquehannock's: Alice L. L. Ferguson, "The Susquehannock Fort
on Piscataway Creek," Maryland Historical Magazine 36 (1941) :
pp. 1—9. |
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80 |
Wilcomb E.
Washburn, The Governor and the Rebel: A History of Bacon's
Rebellion in Virginia (Chapel Hill, N. C., 1957), pp. 20—23.
This is the best book on the subject. A different interpretation
is given in Richard L. Morton, Colonial Virginia (2 v., Chapel
Hill, N. C., 1960) 2: 231—233. Morton finds that the
Susquehannock chiefs were murdered "against the advice and
without the knowledge of Colonel Washington and his Virginians."
Morton's harsh criticism of Washburn's book should be read in
light of the fact that Morton relies on the selfserving
depositions of Virginians involved in the massacre, giving them
full faith and credit; he takes no notice of the contradictory
Maryland sources. |
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81 |
Minutes and
depositions in Truman's case, Md. Arch. (Upper House) 2: pp.
481—483, 485—486, 494, 500—501, 504, 511—513. Baltimore lifted
Truman's bond later, saying, "I have no desire that the said
Trueman should imagine I have the least malice or prejudice to
his person what I formerly did order was only occasioned by the
great exigency of affaires att that tynle." Baltimore to Notley,
10 Aug., 1678, Md. Arch. (Council) 15: pp. 182—183. |
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82 |
See the
report of the royal commission of inquiry, "Narrative of Bacon's
Rebellion," The Virginia Maga2tne of History and Biography 4
(1896) : pp. 117—154; Washburn, op. cit., pp. 37—38, 42—46. |
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