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In the early seventeenth century, when
Englishmen began to plant permanent settlements in the New
World, Captain John Smith made the acquaintance of some
impressive Indians who lived on the Susquehanna River above
Chesapeake Bay. Smith portrayed them to an astonished bookbuying
world as giants. One of them, he wrote, was so huge that the
calf of his leg was "three quarters of a yard about.1
In the midnineteenth century, when Americans were driving
Indians of
every tribe farther and farther west, Boston brahmin Francis Parknian
made the acquaintance of some historical sources that mentioned the
Susquehannock's. With characteristic artistry, Parkman exterminated those
Indians in a conflict with the Iroquois Five Nations, thus enabling the
Iroquois to extend "their conquests and their depredations from Quebec
to the Carolinas."2
There have been more valid accounts since, but the power of art over
fact has never been better demonstrated. Though Parkman's extermination
had exactly the same existence in reality as Smith's giants, both Smith
and Parkman can be purchased readily today in many editions. The works
of the men who corrected them circulate in small numbers among
specialists.3
Though scholars now reject the myths of Smith and Parkman, little has
been done to find out what the actual facts were. The effort should be
made, simply in order to get the story right. However, there is an extra
reward for the job. In negative terms an archaeologist writes, "The
major events of Susquehannock history were mere byproducts of the
history of the Iroquois and of the European settlements."4 His "mere" is
debatable; when his remark is put positively it means that Susquehannock
history is part of colonial history. The seventeenth century was a
period of ethnocultural adaptation and conflict for all the peoples of
the New World, white and red alike, and their histories were mutual and
reciprocal. Lack of understanding of the Susquehannock's prevents us from
properly understanding the colonies. Knowledge of the Susquehannocks
affords explanations, for example of the strange behavior of New York's
governors as they watched with apparent unconcern the raids of the
Iroquois into Maryland and Virginia. We discover why Pennsylvania
escaped the raids even before William Penn appeared. We come upon the
scene in which the "covenant chain" of Indians under Iroquois leadership
was forged, and we see the roles played by Europeans in its creation. We
learn how empires and provinces made undeclared and unrecorded war upon
each other through Indian instrumentalities.
And, of course, there are the Susquehannock's themselves. No one has yet
explained satisfactorily the strange circumstances under which they were
attacked and dispersed from their homeland. The thesis of this study is
that they were dispersed as the consequence of Lord Baltimore's efforts
to seize and annex the Delaware Bay colony to Maryland. The Iroquois,
far from conquering the Susquehannock's, provided sanctuary and support
for them. Baltimore's aggressions boomeranged: his attacks on the
Susquehannock's brought bloody reprisals against his province's settlers
and a weakening of his political controls; his attacks on the Delaware
Bay colony alienated the provinces that might have prevented the
reprisals or cut them short; his selfcreated isolation weakened his
claims in the boundary dispute that came into being with the chartering
of Pennsylvania, effectually truncating instead of expanding his
province. After the overthrow of Baltimore's government by revolution,
the Susquehannock's reconstituted their "nation," and were recognized by
treaty once again.
This study traces the varying relations of power and dependency among
specific Indian peoples and specific European colonies. It relies on no
"laws" of nature or history, and it recognizes no such ideological
abstractions as "savagery" or "civilization." The study proceeds by
identification and analysis of critical issues and events, together with
description of the initiatives and responses of particular persons and
groups. The moment of greatest mystery, the period from 1673 to 1677, is
at the climax, but it is put in perspective in the time span from about
1640 to about 1685. Brief notice is also taken of earlier and later
years.
This is the first time that a consecutive narrative has put into one
context the superficially disparate phenomena mentioned above.
Accordingly it may be helpful to say a word here about the sources and
method I have used. Except for one or two happy accidents, I lay no
claim to discovering new sources of information. A limited corpus of
documents has survived from the seventeenth century, and most of my
references will be recognized by specialists. What I have tried to do is
to compare hitherto unrelated sets of data and read fresh meaning into
them. Having earlier made the discovery that political papers of the
colonial era were often written deceitfully, especially those dealing
with Indian affairs, I have tried to read between the lines as well as
on them.5 Not many historians of the period have been willing to venture
far in that direction, and their hesitation is understandable. A
considerable amount of hypothesizing is sometimes required to hook
together a few fragments of information. Nevertheless, I have taken the
risks of imaginative error because the alternative, it seems to me, is
to remain enslaved to the deceptions and purposes of the source writers.
Rather than repeat ancient error, I would prefer to originate my own.
Lest depreciation be overdrawn, let me suggest that this method has more
to recommend it than personal eccentricity. There is too much of going
around in circles in what is loosely and inaccurately called frontier
history. At the least, my theses get out of some wellworn ruts; if they
are wrong, perhaps they will stimulate a very necessary rethinking by
other scholars. I have aimed at much more than this least goal, and I
have presented my narrative without diffidence because I think it hangs
together. In the circumstances, readers are entitled to demand all the
evidence available, so documentation is given with some fullness. I
suggest that the article will read most easily if reference to the notes
is postponed until after completion of the narrative text.
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Notes: |
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1 |
John Smith,
The Generall Historie of Virginia, New England and The Summer
Isles (2 v., Glasgow, 1907) 1: pp. 50-51. |
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2 |
Francis
Parkman, The Conspiracy of Pontiac (2 v., Boston, 1909) 1: pp.
910; Count Frontenac and New France Under Louis XJV (Boston,
1909), p. 78. In later works Parkman modified his statements,
but even at his most temperate he was factually wrong. In La
Salle he wrote that the Iroquois "reduced the formidable
Andastes [Susquehannock's] to helpless insignificance." In
Jesuits he wrote that the Susquehannocks "about the year 1675
... were finally overborne by the Senecas." Neither of these
statements is true. La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West
(Boston, 1908), p. 219; The Jesuits in North America in the
Seventeenth Century (Boston, 1909), p. 548. (References are to
the New Library Edition.) |
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3 |
John
Witthoft and W. Fred Kinsey, III, eds., Susquehannock Miscellany
(Harrisburg, Pa., 1959) is almost wholly concerned with
archaeological evidence and issues. However, one essay is
devoted to a careful outline of problems facing the historian:
William A. Hunter, "The Historic Role of the Susquehannock's,"
ibid., pp. 818A valiant effort by an amateur to compile a
descriptive chronology of Susquehannock history from beginning
to end is H. Frank Eshleman, Lancaster County Indians (Lancaster,
Pa., 1908). The book is still useful for guidance to sources. It
may be supplemented cautiously with the articles, "Conestoga"
and "Susquehanna," by J. N. B. Hewitt in F. W. Hodge, Handbook
of American Indians, Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 30 (2
v., Washington, 1905). Hewitt's primary concerns were
ethnological.
An account of Susquehannock participation in the beaver wars of
the seventeenth century is given in George T. Hunt, The Wars of
the Iroquois (Madison, Wis., 1940), ch. 10. It is not up to the
standard of the rest of Hunt's book, primarily because of
disproportionate reliance on northern sources.
The best recent scholarship about the Susquehannock's in their
relation to the Iroquois Indians of New York is scattered
through Allen W. Trelease, Indian Affairs in Colonial New York:
The Seventeenth Century (Ithaca, N. Y., 1960). A valuable
popular account written with scholarly authority is Paul A. W.
Wallace, Indians in Pennsylvania (Harrisburg, Pa., 1964),
especially chapters 2 and 13. |
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4 |
John
Witthoft, "Ancestry of the Susquehannock's," Susquehannock
Miscellany, p. 32. |
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5 |
See my
articles, "The Delaware Interregnum," Pennsylvania Magazine of
History and Biography 89 (1965) pp. 174198, and "The Indian
Trade of the Susquehanna Valley," Proc. Amer. Philos. Soc. 110
(1966) pp. 406-424. |
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